Joseph Staline citations

Joseph Staline foto
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Joseph Staline

Date de naissance: 6. décembre 1878
Date de décès: 5. mars 1953
Autres noms:Josif Vissarionovič Stalin,Josif Stalin

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Joseph Vissarionovitch Djougachvili , connu sous le nom de Joseph Staline , également surnommé par sa propre propagande le Vojd ou Le père des peuples, né le 18 décembre 1878 — officiellement le 21 décembre 1879 — à Gori et mort le 5 mars 1953 à Moscou, est un révolutionnaire communiste et homme d'État soviétique d'origine géorgienne.

Secrétaire général du Parti communiste soviétique à partir de 1922, il dirige l'Union des républiques socialistes soviétiques à partir de la fin des années 1920 jusqu'à sa mort. Il établit un régime de dictature personnelle : les historiens lui attribuent, à des degrés divers, la responsabilité de la mort de trois à plus de vingt millions de personnes.

Surnommé Sosso pendant son enfance, il se fait ensuite appeler Koba dans ses premières années de militantisme clandestin et par ses amis proches. Il utilise ensuite le pseudonyme de Staline, formé sur le mot russe сталь , qui signifie acier.

Par un jeu patient d'intrigues souterraines et d'alliances successives avec les diverses factions du parti unique bolchevik, et en s'appuyant sur la toute-puissante police politique et sur la bureaucratisation croissante du régime, il impose progressivement un pouvoir personnel absolu et transforme l'URSS en un régime de type totalitaire dont le culte obligatoire rendu à sa propre personne est un des traits les plus marquants. Il fait nationaliser intégralement les terres, et industrialise l'Union soviétique à marche forcée par des plans quinquennaux, au prix d'un coût humain et social exorbitant. Son long règne est marqué par un régime de terreur et de délation paroxystiques et par la mise à mort ou l'envoi aux camps de travail du Goulag de millions de personnes, notamment au cours de la collectivisation des campagnes et des Grandes Purges de 1937. Il pratique aussi bien des déplacements de population massifs, dont la déportation intégrale d'une quinzaine de minorités nationales, que la sédentarisation forcée non moins désastreuse de nomades d'Asie centrale. Il nie aussi l'existence des famines meurtrières de 1932-1933 et de 1946-1947 après les avoir en partie provoquées par une politique impitoyable de réquisitions forcées de produits agricoles dans les campagnes. Le secret et la propagande systématiquement entretenus autour de ses faits et gestes font du travestissement de la réalité et de la réécriture du passé une caractéristique permanente de son pouvoir absolu.

Son souvenir est aussi associé à la victoire militaire des Alliés sur l'Allemagne nazie dont l'Union soviétique est un des principaux artisans, après la rupture en juin 1941 du pacte germano-soviétique, traité de non-agression dont la signature en août 1939 a été le prélude au déclenchement de la Seconde Guerre mondiale. La victoire dans un conflit qui a mis l'URSS au bord du gouffre confère à Staline un prestige international retentissant et lui permet d'affirmer son emprise sur un empire s'étendant de la frontière occidentale de la RDA à l'océan Pacifique.

Joseph Staline est également l'auteur de textes exposant ses conceptions du marxisme et du léninisme, qui contribuent à fixer pour des décennies, au sein du mouvement communiste, l'orthodoxie marxiste-léniniste. Sa pratique politique et ses conceptions idéologiques sont désignées sous le terme de stalinisme.

Après la mort de Staline, ces pratiques sont dénoncées par Nikita Khrouchtchev au cours du XXe congrès du Parti communiste de l'Union soviétique de 1956 : la déstalinisation et la relative détente qui s'ensuivent n'entraînent cependant pas une démocratisation en profondeur du bloc de l'Est. Ce n'est qu'à l'époque de la perestroïka mise en place par Mikhaïl Gorbatchev que les crimes de Staline peuvent être dénoncés en URSS dans toute leur ampleur,.

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Citations Joseph Staline

„Le pape? Combien de divisions?“

— Joseph Staline
Le 13 mai 1935 à Pierre Laval, lui proposant de faire preuve de diplomatie envers le l'État du Vatican.

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„What guarantee is there that the fascist literary politicians in Berlin will be more fortunate than the old and experienced conquerors in Rome? Would it not be more correct to assume that the opposite will be the case?“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: Still others think that war should be organised by a "superior race," say, the German "race," against an "inferior race," primarily against the Slavs; that only such a war can provide a way out of the situation, for it is the mission of the "superior race" to render the "inferior race" fruitful and to rule over it. Let us assume that this queer theory, which is as far removed from science as the sky from the earth, let us assume that this queer theory is put into practice. What may be the result of that? It is well known that ancient Rome looked upon the ancestors of the present-day Germans and French in the same way as the representatives of the "superior race" now look upon the Slav races. It is well known that ancient Rome treated them as an "inferior race," as "barbarians," destined to live in eternal subordination to the "superior race," to "great Rome", and, between ourselves be it said, ancient Rome had some grounds for this, which cannot be said of the representatives of the "superior race" of today. (Thunderous applause.) But what was the upshot of this? The upshot was that the non-Romans, i. e., all the "barbarians," united against the common enemy and brought Rome down with a crash. The question arises: What guarantee is there that the claims of the representatives of the "superior race" of today will not lead to the same lamentable results? What guarantee is there that the fascist literary politicians in Berlin will be more fortunate than the old and experienced conquerors in Rome? Would it not be more correct to assume that the opposite will be the case? [https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1934/01/26.htm Report to the Seventeenth Party Congress on the Work of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U. (B.)] (January 26, 1934)

„We are not the kind of people who, when the word "anarchism" is mentioned, turn away contemptuously and say with a supercilious wave of the hand: "Why waste time on that, it's not worth talking about!"“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: We are not the kind of people who, when the word "anarchism" is mentioned, turn away contemptuously and say with a supercilious wave of the hand: "Why waste time on that, it's not worth talking about!" We think that such cheap "criticism" is undignified and useless. Nor are we the kind of people who console themselves with the thought that the Anarchists "have no masses behind them and, therefore, are not so dangerous." It is not who has a larger or smaller "mass" following today, but the essence of the doctrine that matters. If the "doctrine" of the Anarchists expresses the truth, then it goes without saying that it will certainly hew a path for itself and will rally the masses around itself. If, however, it is unsound and built up on a false foundation, it will not last long and will remain suspended in mid-air. But the unsoundness of anarchism must be proved. Some people believe that Marxism and anarchism are based on the same principles and that the disagreements between them concern only tactics, so that, in the opinion of these people, no distinction whatsoever can be drawn between these two trends. This is a great mistake. We believe that the Anarchists are real enemies of Marxism. Accordingly, we also hold that a real struggle must be waged against real enemies.

„Our Red Army now needs IL-2 aircraft like the air it breathes, like the bread it eats.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: You have let down our country and our Red Army. You have the nerve not to manufacture IL-2s until now. Our Red Army now needs IL-2 aircraft like the air it breathes, like the bread it eats. Shenkman produces one IL-2 a day and Tretyakov builds one or two MiG-3s daily. It is a mockery of our country and the Red Army. I ask you not to try the government's patience, and demand that you manufacture more ILs. This is my final warning. Telegram to government aviation production plant superintendents by Stalin in the autumn of 1941, warning them to produce more Il-2 Sturmovik ground attack aircraft for national defense.

„The leaders come and go, but the people remain. Only the people are immortal“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: The confidence of the people in the worker-directors of the economy is a great thing, Comrades. The leaders come and go, but the people remain. Only the people are immortal, everything else is ephemeral. That is why it is necessary to appreciate the full value of the confidence of the people. [http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1937/10/29.htm Address to the Reception of Directors and Stakhanovites of the Metal Industry and the Coal Mining Industry] (29 October 1937)

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„This is a great mistake.
We believe that the Anarchists are real enemies of Marxism.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: We are not the kind of people who, when the word "anarchism" is mentioned, turn away contemptuously and say with a supercilious wave of the hand: "Why waste time on that, it's not worth talking about!" We think that such cheap "criticism" is undignified and useless. Nor are we the kind of people who console themselves with the thought that the Anarchists "have no masses behind them and, therefore, are not so dangerous." It is not who has a larger or smaller "mass" following today, but the essence of the doctrine that matters. If the "doctrine" of the Anarchists expresses the truth, then it goes without saying that it will certainly hew a path for itself and will rally the masses around itself. If, however, it is unsound and built up on a false foundation, it will not last long and will remain suspended in mid-air. But the unsoundness of anarchism must be proved. Some people believe that Marxism and anarchism are based on the same principles and that the disagreements between them concern only tactics, so that, in the opinion of these people, no distinction whatsoever can be drawn between these two trends. This is a great mistake. We believe that the Anarchists are real enemies of Marxism. Accordingly, we also hold that a real struggle must be waged against real enemies.

„It is well known that ancient Rome looked upon the ancestors of the present-day Germans and French in the same way as the representatives of the "superior race" now look upon the Slav races. It is well known that ancient Rome treated them as an "inferior race," as "barbarians," destined to live in eternal subordination to the "superior race," to "great Rome", and, between ourselves be it said, ancient Rome had some grounds for this, which cannot be said of the representatives of the "superior race" of today.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: Still others think that war should be organised by a "superior race," say, the German "race," against an "inferior race," primarily against the Slavs; that only such a war can provide a way out of the situation, for it is the mission of the "superior race" to render the "inferior race" fruitful and to rule over it. Let us assume that this queer theory, which is as far removed from science as the sky from the earth, let us assume that this queer theory is put into practice. What may be the result of that? It is well known that ancient Rome looked upon the ancestors of the present-day Germans and French in the same way as the representatives of the "superior race" now look upon the Slav races. It is well known that ancient Rome treated them as an "inferior race," as "barbarians," destined to live in eternal subordination to the "superior race," to "great Rome", and, between ourselves be it said, ancient Rome had some grounds for this, which cannot be said of the representatives of the "superior race" of today. (Thunderous applause.) But what was the upshot of this? The upshot was that the non-Romans, i. e., all the "barbarians," united against the common enemy and brought Rome down with a crash. The question arises: What guarantee is there that the claims of the representatives of the "superior race" of today will not lead to the same lamentable results? What guarantee is there that the fascist literary politicians in Berlin will be more fortunate than the old and experienced conquerors in Rome? Would it not be more correct to assume that the opposite will be the case? [https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1934/01/26.htm Report to the Seventeenth Party Congress on the Work of the Central Committee of the C.P.S.U. (B.)] (January 26, 1934)

„Hence, Communists, as consistent internationalists, cannot but be irreconcilable and bitter enemies of anti-Semitism.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: National and racial chauvinism is a vestige of the misanthropic customs characteristic of the period of cannibalism. Anti-Semitism, as an extreme form of racial chauvinism, is the most dangerous vestige of cannibalism. Anti-semitism is of advantage to the exploiters as a lightning conductor that deflects the blows aimed by the working people at capitalism. Anti-Semitism is dangerous for the toilers, for it is a false track which diverts them from the proper road and leads them into the jungle. Hence, Communists, as consistent internationalists, cannot but be irreconcilable and bitter enemies of anti-Semitism. In the U. S. S. R., anti-Semitism is strictly prosecuted as a phenomenon hostile to the Soviet system. According to the laws of the U. S. S. R. active anti-Semites are punished with death. "Anti-Semitism: Reply to an inquiry of the Jewish News Agency in the United States" (12 January 1931)

„This war is not as in the past; whoever occupies a territory also imposes on it his own social system. Everyone imposes his own system as far as his army can reach.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: This war is not as in the past; whoever occupies a territory also imposes on it his own social system. Everyone imposes his own system as far as his army can reach. It cannot be otherwise. If now there is not a communist government in Paris, this is only because Russia has no an army which can reach Paris in 1945. Said in April, 1945, as quoted in Conversations with Stalin (1963) by Milovan Djilas

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„We refer to the language difficulty.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: From the point of view of the onlooker, the question of the existence of a Georgian newspaper in general, and the question of its content and trend in particular, may seem to settle themselves naturally and simply: the Georgian Social-Democratic movement is not a separate, exclusively Georgian, working-class movement with its own separate programme; it goes hand in hand with the entire Russian movement and, consequently, accepts the authority of the Russian Social-Democratic Party—hence it is clear that a Georgian Social-Democratic newspaper should be only a local organ that deals mainly with local questions and reflects the local movement. But behind this reply lurks a difficulty which we cannot ignore and which we shall inevitably encounter. We refer to the language difficulty. While the Central Committee of the Russian Social-Democratic Party is able to explain all general questions with the aid of the all-Party newspaper and leave it to the regional committees to deal only with local questions, the Georgian newspaper finds itself in a difficulty as regards content. The Georgian newspaper must simultaneously play the part of an all-Party and of a regional, or local organ. As the majority of Georgian working-class readers cannot freely read the Russian newspaper, the editors of the Georgian newspaper have no right to pass over those questions which the all-Party Russian newspaper is discussing, and should discuss. Thus, the Georgian newspaper must inform its readers about all questions of principle concerning theory and tactics. At the same time it must lead the local movement and throw proper light on every event, without leaving a single fact unexplained, and providing answers to all questions that excite the local workers. The Georgian newspaper must link up and unite the Georgian and Russian militant workers The newspaper must inform its readers about everything that interests them at home, in Russia and abroad. [http://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1901/09/x01.htm#* from "From (the) Editors" (1901) an article in a socialist newspaper-- Stalin was one of the editors (aged 22)]

„We think that a powerful and vigorous movement is impossible without differences — "true conformity" is possible only in the cemetery“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: We think that a powerful and vigorous movement is impossible without differences — "true conformity" is possible only in the cemetery. Stalin's article "Our purposes" Pravda #1, (22 January 1912)

„Don’t expect a reply from Mr. Churchill. Mr. Churchill does not understand in what a ridiculous position he puts himself by his outcry about “totalitarianism, tyranny and police rule.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: As is known, the Government of the State in Britain at the present time is in the hands of one party, the Labour Party, and the opposition parties are deprived of the right to participate in the Government of Britain. That Mr. Churchill calls true democracy. Poland, Romania, Yugoslavia, Bulgaria and Hungary are administered by blocs of several parties—from four to six parties—and the opposition, if it is more or less loyal, is secured the right of participation in the Government. That Mr. Churchill describes as totalitarianism, tyranny and police rule. Why? On what grounds? Don’t expect a reply from Mr. Churchill. Mr. Churchill does not understand in what a ridiculous position he puts himself by his outcry about “totalitarianism, tyranny and police rule. [https://www.marxists.org/reference/archive/stalin/works/1946/03/x01.htm]Interview to “Pravda” Correspondent Concerning Mr. Winston Churchill’s Speech at Fulton; March, 1946

„It is not who has a larger or smaller "mass" following today, but the essence of the doctrine that matters.“

— Joseph Stalin
Context: We are not the kind of people who, when the word "anarchism" is mentioned, turn away contemptuously and say with a supercilious wave of the hand: "Why waste time on that, it's not worth talking about!" We think that such cheap "criticism" is undignified and useless. Nor are we the kind of people who console themselves with the thought that the Anarchists "have no masses behind them and, therefore, are not so dangerous." It is not who has a larger or smaller "mass" following today, but the essence of the doctrine that matters. If the "doctrine" of the Anarchists expresses the truth, then it goes without saying that it will certainly hew a path for itself and will rally the masses around itself. If, however, it is unsound and built up on a false foundation, it will not last long and will remain suspended in mid-air. But the unsoundness of anarchism must be proved. Some people believe that Marxism and anarchism are based on the same principles and that the disagreements between them concern only tactics, so that, in the opinion of these people, no distinction whatsoever can be drawn between these two trends. This is a great mistake. We believe that the Anarchists are real enemies of Marxism. Accordingly, we also hold that a real struggle must be waged against real enemies.

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